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Welcome to the ‘Anti-Racism’ Archive


Here you will find all archived articles and posts under the selected category. Thank you for visiting and supporting the movement.

CI: #StudentsNotSuspects #NoSROs #Mpls

May 20, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Civil Rights, Criminal Injustice Series, Eco-Justice, Education, Police State, Prison Industrial Complex

Criminal InJustice is a weekly series devoted to taking action against inequities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Nancy A. Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology and Race/Ethnicity, is the Editor of CI. Kay Whitlock, co-author of Queer (In)Justice, is contributing editor of CI. Criminal Injustice is published every Wednesday at 6 pm.

 

#StudentsNotSuspects #NoSROs #Mpls
by nancy a heitzeg

Minneapolis is a beautiful Blue City. It ranks near or at the top of a number of livability indices: low unemployment, high income and low poverty rates, affordable housing, literacy and high educational attainment, robust voter turnout and political engagement,  high percentages of colleges, art/theater, bike paths, green space, lakes and coops per capita.

Minneapolis ranks near or at the top too on indicators that reveal the city is less than “livable” if you are Black. The Black unemployment rate is nearly 4 times that of white, making it the highest racial unemployment gap in the nation. Black-white gaps  in the City of Minneapolis on census indicators such as household income, homeownership and educational attainment contribute heavily to Minnesota’s ranking as the worst state for financial inequality. Racial segregation persists by neighborhood and school; about 62 percent of black students attend high-poverty schools, compared with 10 percent of white students. Unsurprisingly, the s0-called “achievement gap” as measured by test scores and graduation rates is also amongst the highest in the nation.

Minneapolis similarly ranks high with regard to racial gulfs in matters of criminal injustice. The racial disparities are staggering, with Blacks and American Indians dramatically over-represented in arrests for the low-level offenses used as pretexts for racial profiling, and  in all aspects of correctional control from probation to prison. This racially biased policing extends to the Minneapolis Public Schools which again runs one the nations  “leading” school to prison pipelines.

Minneapolis School to Prison Pipeline and the Role of SROs

Minneapolis Public Schools have come under Federal scrutiny for the dramatically disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates for students of color. For more than a decade the rate at which Black and American Indian students were suspended/expelled exceeded the national average, achieving at the zenith, a rate of nearly 5 times more than white peers. The most recent data shows that Black students are 4 times more likely to get suspended compared with white students. Special education students and American Indians were the next most likely to get suspended.

In an agreement with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, the Minneapolis School District has now enacted a new policy where every non-violent suspension of a Black, Hispanic, or American Indian student will now be reviewed by the Superintendent’s office before they are approved.

National Ranking for School Arrests by Racial Disproportionality

National Ranking for School Arrests by Racial Dis-proportionality

While this begins to address one pillar of the school to prison pipeline, it fails to account for the role of police in the hallways and in-school arrests. Minneapolis Public Schools spends $1 million annually (matched by another $500,000 from the city) to employ 16 Minneapolis Police Department officers as Security Resource Officers (SROs) in the schools. While arrests have slightly declined in recent years,  the racial dis-proportionality reflected in suspensions and expulsions is present here too, leaving us again with amongst the highest rankings for racial gaps in arrests. It is important to note too, that the overwhelming majority of school based arrests are for minor misbehavior. Nearly 90% of these arrests are for misdemeanors or lesser offenses.

In Minneapolis, as elsewhere, a police presence in schools results in the criminalization of minor and typical youthful misbehavior. In addition to the risks posed by zero tolerance policies and suspension/expulsion, police in the schools are a direct conduit into the pipeline.

This has to stop. In Minneapolis, the Coalition for Critical Change and the Social Justice Education Movement are calling for an end to SROs in the schools. Please join us  – wherever you are – in imagining how to better spend $1.5 million in our schools.

And yours.

Revelations: “The blues was bleeding the same blood as me”

May 17, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Arts and Culture, Civil Rights, Sunday Music Flashback

Undiscovered Genius Of The Mississippi Delta. Jeam-Michel Basquiat 1983

Undiscovered Genius Of The Mississippi Delta. Jean-Michel Basquiat 1983

B.B. King (1925-2015) American Roots Music, Oral Histories

CI: Torture, Lies, and Denial

May 13, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Criminal Injustice Series, Intersectionality, Police Brutality, Police State, Prison Industrial Complex

Criminal InJustice is a weekly series devoted to taking action against inequities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Nancy A. Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology and Race/Ethnicity, is the Editor of CI. Kay Whitlock, co-author of Queer (In)Justice, is contributing editor of CI. Criminal Injustice is published every Wednesday at 6 pm.

 

Torture, Lies, and Denial
by Kay Whitlock

Torture.

It’s not somebody else’s problem. It’s an American problem. It’s our problem. We bear some measure of responsibility for it because it goes forward in our names, by public and private actors and institutions who comprise much of the mainstream of civic life.

Torture isn’t perpetrated by rogue actors and “bad apples.” It is foundational to American policing, prisons, and military action.

Many people seek to justify torture, or the euphemisms that try to disguise its nature:  “enhanced interrogation” and “special methods of questioning.” Others – most people – simply deny its existence or, if made uncomfortably aware of it,  make frantic efforts to explain it away and  cover up complicity in its authorization, administration, and human, ethical, and spiritual impact.

Politicians won’t make it stop. Professional advocates won’t make it stop. Religious leaders won’t make it stop. It can’t be arrested and jailed away; that’s part of the same mentality that produced it. Torture will only stop if we make it stop, through visionary as well as practical forms of movement building and community organizing that build unstoppable momentum, linking growing numbers of people across myriad constituencies and issues.

In light of several notable revelations concerning torture, Criminal Injustice is reprising an earlier post, with this new introduction.

On May 6, 2015, following decades of organizing, litigation, and journalism and, more recently, a concerted six-month grassroots campaign, the Chicago City Council passed an unprecedented reparations package for survivors of torture, administered by former Chicago Police Department commander Jon Burge and his “midnight crew” of detectives, and survivors’ families.

CI’s gratitude for this landmark victory goes to those who led the campaign -Chicago Torture Justice Memorials, Project NIA, We Charge Genocide, and Amnesty International – USA, as well as to everyone who actively supported it. We also express gratitude and respect to the People’s Law Office, especially Joey Mogul and Flint Taylor, for more than a quarter century of tireless effort to bring the torture of over 110 African American men and women to light and obtain justice.

The reparations package includes a formal apology for the torture; specialized counseling services to the Burge torture survivors and their family members on the South Side; free enrollment and job training in City Colleges for survivors and family members (including grandchildren) as well as prioritized access to other City programs, including help with housing, transportation and senior care; a history lesson about the Burge torture cases taught in Chicago Public schools to 8th and 10th graders; and the construction of a permanent public memorial to the survivors. It also sets aside $5.5 million for a Reparations Fund for Burge Torture Victims that will allow those still living to receive some measure of financial compensation for the torture they endured.

For decades, many Chicago officials tried to minimize awareness of this violence and the extent of its harm. It is now our job to ensure that the Rahm Emmanuel and subsequent administrations are never permitted to view this package as a “fine” to be paid and forgotten while business as usual, in the form of police violence, continues.  May this tangible acknowledgment serve to inspire us all to greater activism, to more urgent and sustained demands for accountability for violence administered not only by the state but with the active participation of professional individuals and organizations and corporations who reap benefits from their involvement.

And, as Joey Mogul rightly points out, “While the reparations for Burge survivors focus on a finite set of particularly egregious cases, they can serve as a model for what reparations might look like for systemic police abuse plaguing cities across the nation.”

Even as the police torture reparations victory was in the making in Chicago, it was confirmed through new disclosures of email communication  that the prestigious American Psychological Association (APA) had secretly worked to bolster “a legal and ethical justification” for the post-9/11 “war on terror.”  The APA, too has tried to deny this. But psychologists and other health care professionals play essential roles in implementing and providing cover for torture.

And torture was center stage in a court room in Boston, not under interrogation, but rather, as rationale for denying the death penalty. The  “defense” attorneys for now convicted Boston Marathon Bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev opened their arguments in the penalty phase with an appeal to the jury for sentencing to a “punishment worse than death.” Tsarnaev would spend his life, they said, buried alive in the ADX Supermax at Florence, Colorado. His life should be spared, they argued, so he could be sentenced instead to the slow motion torture of  this “living hell.”

Of course, this is the subtext of some resistance to capital punishment –  it isn’t punishment enough.  And yes, the defense in its’ contradictory everything but the kitchen sink approach to the penalty phase did call Sister Helen Prejean at last as a witness for mercy.

But the first and central defense argument was an open call to torture. And nothing can ever remove that stain.

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CI: ‘Whiteness’, Criminality, and Double-Standards of Deviance/Social Control

May 06, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Civil Rights, Criminal Injustice Series, Economic Terrorism, Intersectionality, Media Conglomeration, Police Brutality, Police State, Prison Industrial Complex

Criminal InJustice is a weekly series devoted to taking action against inequities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Nancy A. Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology and Race/Ethnicity, is the Editor of CI. Kay Whitlock, co-author of Queer (In)Justice, is contributing editor of CI. Criminal Injustice is published every Wednesday at 6 pm.

‘Whiteness’, Criminality, and the Double-Standards of Deviance/Social Control
by nancy a heitzeg

“All domination is, in the last instance, maintained through social control strategies” ~ Eduardo Bonilla-Silva 2001

Authors Note: The following is an excerpt from a piece recently published in Contemporary Justice Review: Issues in Criminal, Social, and Restorative Justice. The full article can be downloaded here.

The wholesale criminalization of Blackness is juxtaposed with the medical mitigation of white deviance, furthered by media coverage and, in a country driven by raw capitalism, buttressed by profligate profiteering, even from social control. The prison industrial complex and the treatment industrial complex serve as increasingly intertwined alternatives for defining and controlling, not just deviance, but race, in the era of “color-blindness”.

So as Black communities in Baltimore/Everywhere remain under siege, James Holmes pleads not guilty by reason of insanity to 166 counts of murder, attempted murder and more.

And the Band Played On.

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CI: On Violence

April 29, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Civil Rights, Criminal Injustice Series, Imperialism, Intersectionality, Military Industrial Complex, Prison Industrial Complex

Criminal InJustice is a weekly series devoted to taking action against inequities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Nancy A. Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology and Race/Ethnicity, is the Editor of CI. Kay Whitlock, co-author of Queer (In)Justice, is contributing editor of CI. Criminal Injustice is published every Wednesday at 6 pm.

 

 On Violence

“Power and violence are opposites; where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course it ends in power’s disappearance. “

~ Hannah Arendt (1906–1975),  “On Violence,” (1972).

On the 50th Anniv of the Civil Rights Act: Persistent White Supremacy, Relentless Anti-Blackness, and The Limits of the Law

April 14, 2015 By: seeta Category: Anti-Racism, Civil Rights, Criminal Injustice Series, Prison Industrial Complex

Author and Editor, Nancy A. Heitzeg, of the Criminal Injustice Series has two new publications out that are a must read:

On The Occasion Of The 50th Anniversary Of The Civil Rights Act Of 1964: Persistent White Supremacy, Relentless Anti-Blackness, And The Limits Of The Law, Heitzeg, Nancy A. Ph.D. (2015), Hamline University’s School of Law’s Journal of Public Law and Policy: Vol. 36: Iss. 1, Article 3. Available for download: here.

‘Whiteness,’ criminality, and the double standards of deviance/social control
by Nancy A. Heitzeg, Contemporary Justice Review
Abstract Excerpt: White criminality is increasingly defined and controlled via the medical model. This is made possible by the white racial frame, which constructs ‘whiteness’ as normative and white deviance as individual aberration or mental illness. Conversely, the white racial frame constructs Blackness as synonymous with criminality.
pp. 1-18 | DOI: 10.1080/10282580.2015.1025630
Full text here.

How “Hate” Lets Us Off the Hook

April 05, 2015 By: seeta Category: Anti-Racism, Arts and Culture, Civil Rights, Criminal Injustice Series, Prison Industrial Complex

Authors Kay Whitlock (left), co-editor of Criminal InJustice, and Michael Bronski (right) have published a new book “Considering Hate” that is required reading. This is a transformative text that not only presents us with provocative questions about who we have been and who we are as a civilization, but also how we can rise above simplistic dichotomies of “Us” v. “Them” in our own everyday activism (whether on a micro or macro scale). The bottom-line is that we are no better than our so-called “enemies” when we embrace this dichotomous thinking which only serves to perpetuate division and destructive behaviors. As Whitlock and Bronkski argue, we are interdependent beings and must endeavor to find more constructive ways forward on all fronts.

From Beacon Press:

Over the centuries American society has been plagued by brutality fueled by disregard for the humanity of others: systemic violence against Native peoples, black people, and immigrants. More recent examples include the Steubenville rape case and the murders of Matthew Shepard, Jennifer Daugherty, Marcelo Lucero, and Trayvon Martin. Most Americans see such acts as driven by hate. But is this right? Longtime activists and political theorists Kay Whitlock and Michael Bronski boldly assert that American society’s reliance on the framework of hate to explain these acts is wrongheaded, misleading, and ultimately harmful.

Truthout has an in-depth and insightful interview up with both authors:

As Kay Whitlock and Michael Bronski outline in their brilliant new book, Considering Hate, we are all much more likely to view hate as residing elsewhere – not within ourselves, but within inferior others, whom we can disdain and distance ourselves from. Our political realities become determined by whom we are against.

In their book, Whitlock and Bronski dedicate themselves to both interrogating the hate frame – digging into its history, its construction, its uses, its tactics – and moving beyond it. They ask: “What would it look like to disentangle hate from justice, and replace the language of hate with that of goodness?” What does the language of goodness even look like, and how do we imagine our way there? In the following interview, Whitlock and Bronski illuminate the anatomy of hate – and show how a transformative imagination, built on compassion and an acknowledgement of interdependence, can guide our way forward.

Full interview here.

CI: The Irrelevance of “Innocence”

March 25, 2015 By: nancy a heitzeg Category: Anti-Racism, Civil Rights, Corrupt Judiciary, Corrupt Legislature, Criminal Injustice Series, Economic Terrorism, Intersectionality, Police Brutality, Police State, Prison Industrial Complex

Criminal InJustice is a weekly series devoted to taking action against inequities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Nancy A. Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology and Race/Ethnicity, is the Editor of CI. Kay Whitlock, co-author of Queer (In)Justice, is contributing editor of CI. Criminal Injustice is published every Wednesday at 6 pm.

The Irrelevance of “Innocence”
by nancy a heitzeg

It was with great trepidation that i finally forced myself to read the Department Of Justice Report Regarding The Criminal Investigation Into The Shooting Death Of Michael Brown By Ferguson, Missouri Police Officer Darren Wilson. I opened it long after i had reviewed the companion DOJ Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department. And, it is in that order that they must be read. Whatever happened on Canfield Drive on that tragic day surely unfolded under the heavy canopy of occupation, under the sway of a corrupt police department that held the city under siege, that heavily targeted, brutalized, and then paid the bills on the backs of Blacks.

The report is a gut-wrenching read – tangled and traumatized witnesses, a pervasive climate of rumor and fear, an impossibly high legal bar for Federal Civil Rights prosecution, and the forgone conclusion that there could be no indictment, save for the piercing sentence found in the final paragraph of the report:

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